Thursday, February 09, 2012
   
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The Gülen Movement and AK Party

About ten days ago I had the pleasure of meeting a group of Europeans visiting Turkey. The sole purpose of their visit was to explore the Gülen movement in a field trip combined with a series of panels and informal discussions with local professionals, journalists, and scholars who they thought could contribute to their research. My other engagements did not allow me to spend more than one afternoon with them. Nevertheless, out of that afternoon I had enough experiences to write up this short piece of inspirations as the "profit of a short day," as we say in Turkish.

I was invited as a panelist to share my views on the media expansions of the Gülen movement, but I was not expecting the discussions to be so much concerned with Turkey's agenda with the sensational AK Party closure case and the Ergenekon terrorist mob. It was interesting to see so many Europeans considerably well-informed about what was happening in Turkey, and I am sure all of them must be happy about the Constitutional Court's decision not to close the AK Party and not to ban elected parliamentarians from politics. What disappointed me most was the misperception of many participants who were speculating on a close connection between the AK Party and Gülen. Although The Fountain magazine, which I was representing on that panel, has nothing to do with daily politics and never publishes political content, I thought I should contribute to the discussion, which had become somewhat consufıng. Even superficial research into recent history would reveal that Fethullah Gülen managed to develop friendship with people from all circles of society.

Gülen served as a state-licensed preacher for decades, so it certainly makes sense to argue that Gülen's mosque-going audience has similar characteristics with the social base from which the AK Party flourishes. The scholarly meetings, tolerance awards, and iftar gatherings organized by the Journalist and Writers Foundation only helped Gülen's progressive, dialogue-based views come more to the surface to be noticed by a wider community, going beyond the pious Turks. From the beginning of his career, Gülen always avoided all sorts of conflicts and he encouraged his audience to open their arms to everyone and to engage in positive action. In Gülen's philosophy, categorizing people according to their political affiliations is not fair. Every human being is worth respect, and the real struggle is not against individuals we do not like, but against evil attributes. Linking Gülen to the AK Party, as if he is a registered member, is nothing more than undermining his broader influence over masses, which by today has gone beyond Turkish borders. The friendship of Gülen with the former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit, who led left-wing Turkish politics for decades, was no secret to the public. Ecevit displayed a heroic defense when he said the accusations that Gülen aimes to subvert the secular state were not convincing. The court's recent decision clearing Gülen of all charges not only proved that these accusations were in fact doctored by those involved in “February 28th process,” but also that Ecevit's inner trust for Gülen had not been in vain.

Gülen's capacity to welcome people from all walks of life is always evident, but on the panel I shared a recent story as an example of his tolerant character with the participants. Nuray Başaran, a columnist in Referans newspaper reported how she had made an unexpected visit to Gülen in his home in Pennsylvania. Başaran said she was spending her summer leave in New York City, but her journalistic motives did not leave her comfortable even while shopping at Abbercrombie for her daughter or watching a musical in Broadway. So, she decided to visit Gülen for an interview the day before she was to return to Turkey. The students who were at the main entrance of Gülen's residence told her it would not be possible to arrange an interview due to Gülen's ill health, and she should have applied weeks before for an interview. She insisted and the students forwarded the situation to Gülen who said he could meet her in the evening. When she was invited to the mansion it was almost turning dark, and she notes she saw a person sitting on a stool or chair at the front gate. She did not realize it was Gülen until he got up to welcome her in.

What is so unique about this? It is indeed very unique once we know that Gülen very rarely leaves his room both due to his retreat and unfavorable health conditions. I was in the US towards the end of last April, and I was told Gülen came downstairs to the ground floor for first time after six months the day of my visit. Gülen, who leaves his floor once every six months, broke his principles for a visitor who popped up from nowhere. This story was also illuminating for one of the female participants of the panel, who told me she was touched by Gülen's politeness to a lady despite his health problems.

Gülen has never had a full commitment to any political affiliation. However, he is as concerned about stability in Turkish political affairs as any Turkish citizen. In that regard, it should be of no surprise that he communicates with members of political parties and shares his concern with them. Gülen holds a “supra-political” position which avails him equal distance (and proximity) with all political parties and a safe haven from the dangers of politics.

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